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Re-inking the Pen:

Evidence from P. Oxy. 657 (P13) concerning

unintentional scribal errors

 

P.M. Head & M. Warren

 

Published in New Testament Studies 43 (1997) 466-473.

 

This article uses SPIonic Greek Font (© James R. Adair, 2000); to download: SP Fonts

 

Abstract: This article argues that the constant necessity to re-ink one's pen provided the opportunity for scribal distraction at the level of eye, memory, judgement and pen, and would thus have been an occasion for the introduction of unintentional copying errors. This conclusion is suggested by writing practices in antiquity and confirmed by several striking examples in P. Oxy. 657 (=P13) where observable re-inking practices correlate with the introduction of new singular readings.

 

I. Introduction

          New Testament textual critics customarily discuss scribal errors under two headings: intentional errors and unintentional, accidental, or involuntary errors. Intentional errors are those made deliberately in order to improve or correct the text and involve corrections made to spelling or grammar, harmonisation to other passages (whether in the immediate context, in a parallel passage, or in an Old Testament source), and liturgical or theological enhancement. These might all be traced to the conscious activity of the scribe.[1] Unintentional errors, on the other hand, can be distinguished (in theory at least) as arising not from conscious scribal activity but from involuntary mistakes of eye, ear, memory, judgment, pen or speech.[2] These errors involve accidental additions, especially dittography (writing twice something that is only once in the exemplar); omissions, either by haplography (writing once something that is twice in the exemplar) or through homoioteleuton (a confusion due to similar endings of words or lines in the exemplar); or other sorts of confusions of letters or words.[3]

 

          In considering the causes whereby unintentional or accidental errors were introduced by scribes, scholars have often attributed them to factors such as tiredness or distraction, following Jerome who referred to mistakes made by 'copyists more asleep than awake'.[4] As the Alands wrote, 'It is certainly no secret that a scribe engaged in copying a manuscript is susceptible to fatigue, especially when copying continuous script.'[5] Kenyon deduced from the extremely varied quality of scribal workmanship the truism 'that scribes are capable of anything' and suggested that some mistakes 'are mere incalculable blunders of a wandering eye, of inattention, or of misplaced invention.'[6] Our aim in this paper is to document and support the suggestion that, in addition to the general issue of scribal weariness, another factor, namely the constant necessity to re-ink one's pen, provided the occasion for distraction at the level of, at the very least, eye, memory, judgment and pen. We shall argue that such a suggestion is clearly plausible in general and that specific examples of errors introduced in the re-inking process can be detected in P. Oxy. 657, an early manuscript of Hebrews.

 

II. Pens and Writing in Antiquity

          Throughout the Greco-Roman era it seems that scribes writing on papyrus or parchment characteristically used the hard reed pen (Greek: ka/lamov; Latin: calamus), with the point split into two equal parts to form a nib and constantly sharpened.[7] Unless one needed the facility of easy erasure, for example in composition or school-exercises where a wax tablet and stylus would be used,[8] the reed pen was widely used.[9] Greenlee asserted that 'it is safe to assume that virtually all extant papyrus mss., both of the N.T. and of other documents, were written with a reed pen.'[10] This assumption is supported by several accounts involving the procurement of writing materials. P. Oxy. 326, a letter (of cca AD 45) about the procurement of writing materials, provides a list of the basic requirements,  including 'the ink pot and the reeds and the pen-knife so that he can split the reeds for writing and the rubber'.[11] The accounts of the record office at Tebtunis (AD 45-57) show numerous purchases of sheets or packets of papyrus (at an average of 4 drachma); as well as regular purchases of ink (P. Mich. 123 Verso III.11, 24, 25; V.25; IX.7; X.8), and single purchases of a ka/lamov (Verso X.8; cf. Rect XII.39) and a sponge (Verso II.30).[12]

 

          The main drawback in the use of such a pen was perceived by Quintillian to be the problem of constant re-inking:

 

'It is best to write on wax owing to the facility which it offers for erasure, though weak sight may make it desirable to employ parchment (membranarum) by preference. The latter, however, although of assistance to the eye, delays the hand and interrupts the stream of thought owing to the frequency with which the pen (calamus) has to be supplied with ink.'[13]

 

Other factors were also involved, Persius Flaccus (AD 34-62), in a satirical illustration of the wasted opportunities of youth, but which must presumably resemble reality, wrote:

 

We now take up our book (liber), and the two-coloured parchment (membrana), well cleansed of hair; some paper (chartae) too, and the knotty reed-pen (calamo). Next we complain that the ink is thick and clots upon the pen; that when water is poured in, the blackness disappears, and that the tube sprinkles the diluted stuff in blots upon the paper. ... How can I work with a pen like this?[14]

 

          The constant need for re-inking is also suggested in two wall paintings from Pompei which depict various types of writing materials. In one of these a reed pen is balanced on a hexagonal ink pot next to a half unround scroll.[15] In another (Naples Museum Inv. 4676) a reed pen is shown resting against a double ink-well next to a partially written scroll.[16] The close association in the literature of the reed pen and the necessary ink, as attested in the phrase "pen and ink" (3 John 13) is significant in this regard.[17]

 

          The literary evidence suggests, following Quintillian in particular, that the re-inking of the reed-pen could easily have served as an opportunity for distraction from the task at hand. In the next section we shall argue that several examples of this generally plausible suggestion can be seen in the re-inking practices of a particular scribe.

 

III. Evidence for Re-inking in P. Oxy. 657

          The best scribes clearly took care that the process of re-inking their reed pen did not adversely effect the presentation of their document. Among less competent scribes, however, the gradual fading of the letters is sometimes followed by a dramatically bolder word or two.[18] In the early period very clear examples of this can be found in P. Oxy. 657, a manuscript containing portions of Hebrews and dated to around AD 300.[19] Various lines of evidence suggest that the scribe responsible for this manuscript should be classified as 'non-professional'. In the first place, an analysis of the manuscript reveals a distinct lack of discipline in column width and a wide variation in the number of lines per column, neither of which would characterise a professional scribe paid by the line. The available evidence is summarised in the table below (in most cases the column widths have to be estimated by extrapolation from the extant width).

                   Column                  column width (mm. est.)       lines of text height (mm)

            mz (47 = 1 in GH)                       135-140                          27                     200

            mh (48 = 2 in GH)                      135-140                          26                     205

            mq (49 = 3 in GH)                       145-150                          25                     195

             n (50 = 4 in GH)               insufficient evidence                 25                     192

 

            cb (63 = 5 in GH)                      150-155                          24                     205

            cg (64 = 6 in GH)             insufficient evidence

            cd (65 = 7 in GH)                       170-175                          23                     195

           [ce] (66 = 8 in GH)                      170-175                          23                     195

            cv (67 = 9 in GH)              insufficient evidence                 26                     200

           ch (68 = 10 in GH)                      170-175                          24                     205

          [cq] (69 = 11 in GH)            insufficient evidence

 

A further indication of the scribes 'non-professional' behaviour is the marked deterioration in the writing in the course of the extant London fragment: letter formation becomes increasingly erratic and the individual letters increase in size, while lines begin to slope up at the end and the lower lines become longer. The scribe takes some care with the content of the text, as is clear from the twelve corrections he makes to single letters or diphthongs by overwriting or superscripting the correction, but he takes less care with the general appearance of his manuscript.[20]

 

          A careful survey suggests that our scribe needed to re-ink his pen at least once every line and possibly more often (the edges of the manuscript have been damaged and so beginnings and ends of lines are often either not extant or rather damaged, hence most of our examples come from the around the middle of the line). A number of these occur at natural divisions in the text, often corresponding with punctuation marks of one form or another. The gradual fading of the lettering is followed by a very dark serious of letters which eventually tails off into faint lettering again. Such an appearance cannot be attributed to wear of the manuscript or preservation problems as there is no pattern to their location on the page. As our earlier discussion suggested the scribe must have very often had to stop writing in order to dip his pen into the ink and, having re-inked the pen, resumed writing. Many dozens of clear examples can be observed in this manuscript.

 

          The following examples are of particular interest as they suggest a correlation between the re-inking procedure and the introduction of new variants into the text. The four examples are found in columns two and three where the re-inking procedure is most clearly observed, and are each extremely obvious, practically undeniable, examples of the use of a freshly re-inked pen. In the list below we note the beginning of the re-inking in bold type:

Example 1. Col 2. line 4 (Heb 3.10b): aei [pla]n[w]ntai en th kardia autwn dio ouk egnw[san

Example 2. Col 2. line 6 (Heb 3.11-12): ... thn katapausin mou : blepetai a[del

Example 3. Col 2. line 9 (Heb 3.13): para]kalesate eautouv kaq ekasthn hme[ran

Example 4. Col. 3. line 8 (Heb 4.3-4): kos]mou genhqentwn eirhken pou peri thv

 

          These four passages are of particular interest due to the fact that in these places evidence of re-inking coincides with singular readings (readings attested in no other Greek manuscript) in P. Oxy. 657. The presence of unique or very unusual readings at the same point in the text as a renewed bold text clearly suggests that, at least for this scribe, the physical process of re-inking his pen provided the opportunity for inattentiveness when writing resumed. We shall discuss these in reverse order, as examples 2, 3, and 4 are fairly straightforward.

 

Example 4. Col. 3. line 8 (Heb 4.3-4): kos]mou genhqentwn eirhken pou peri thv

This variant involves the omission of the connective ga/r from Heb 4.4 at the very point where the boldness of the ink indicates the scribe has re-inked his pen (cf. ei1rhken ga/r pou peri\ th=j e9bdo/mhj ou3twj, Kai\ kate/pausen o9 qeo\j e0n th=| h9me/ra| th=| e9bdo/mh| a0po\ pa/ntwn tw=n e1rgwn au0tou= ). Although a similar omission is found in some non-Greek witnesses (some vulgate manuscripts and the Syriac Peshitta), the correlation of re-inking and apparent omission should be noted.

 

Example 3. Col 2. line 9 (Heb 3.13): para]kalesate eautouv kaq ekasthn hme[ran

This variant offers an even more clear cut example, one of comparatively few which occur in the middle of a word. In this case there is also an unusually long space between the eta and the sigma, consonant with the probability that the scribe has lifted his pen from the page. Here P. Oxy. 657 offers a clear example of a singular reading, para]kalesate (cf. NA27: a0lla\ parakalei=te e9autou\j kaq 9 e9ka/sthn h9me/ran)) at the very point of re-inking. The aorist indicative of P. Oxy. 657 hardly makes sense in the context and loses the assonance with kalei=tai in the second half of the verse. Once again we have a notable correlation between re-inking and the introduction of a singular reading.

 

Example 2. Col 2. line 6 (Heb 3.11-12): ... thn katapausin mou : blepetai a[del

This example shows that at a natural place to pause, as marked by a punctuation sign ( : ); after the conclusion of the citation from Psalm 95 in verses 7 to 11, our scribe has dipped his pen in the ink-well and produced a unique reading, blepetai (cf. NA27: Ble/pete, a0delfoi/, mh/pote e1stai e1n tini u9mw=n kardi/a ponhra\ a0pisti/aj e0n tw=| a0posth=nai a0po\ qeou= zw=ntoj). This is hardly of great textual significance, as it corresponds to a standard phonological variation: 'There is a very frequent interchange of ai and e in all phonetic environments from the beginning of the Roman period on, indicating the identification of the short diphthong /ai/ with the simple vowel /e/.'[21]

 

          Although this last variant may be a simple phonetic error, independent of the re-inking process, the correlation between the bold ink and a singular variation in these three cases supports the suggestion that re-inking one's reed-pen might lead to confusion or distraction at some level. Our final example is more complicated, but once again the re-inking practice of our scribe is an important factor which must be taken into account.

 

Example 1. Col 2. line 4 (Heb 3.10b): aei [pla]n[w]ntai en th kardia autwn dio ouk egnw[san

Here P. Oxy. 657 (P13) offers a text differing from others at a number of points. This can be observed most simply in the following table:

 

              NA27                                                                         P. Oxy 657 (P13)

Kai\ ei]pon,  0Aei\ planw=ntai th=| kardi/a|            Kai\ ei]pon,  0Aei\ planw=ntai e0n th=| kardi/a|                 au0tw=n  

Au0toi\ de\ ou0k e1gnwsan ta\j o9dou/j mou                dio/ ou0k e1gnwsan ta\j o9dou/j mou

 

In his recent commentary H. W. Attridge has argued, albeit tentatively, for the originality of the text given by P. Oxy 657 here: 'Although P13 may display a simple idiosyncratic corruption, it is likely that the process of making the text of the psalm conform to the LXX was operative and that the unusual wording is original.'[22] In support of Attridge it is undoubtedly true that scribes often conformed their NT text to readings they knew from the LXX.[23] Nevertheless, the opposite case, that the readings of P. Oxy 657 result from 'a simple idiosyncratic corruption', might be supported by the observation that the relevant line of script in P. Oxy 657 contains two clear cases of re-inking which relate to the singular readings already noted: in the first, having writen planwntai our scribe adds en boldly; in the second case the boldly inked dio stands in contrast to the otherwise universally attested de.

 

                                  Consideration of this problem suggests that even if one took these two cases as involving accidental errors correlative with the distraction caused by re-inking, the implied exemplar for P. Oxy 657 would not necessarily have reflected the text represented by NA27. P. Oxy. 657's en th kardia autwn (cf. NA27: th=| kardi/a| . Au0toi\) is not a simple alteration but a re-organisation of the thought of the verse, so that the pause for re-inking corresponds precisely with the end of the clause (for P. Oxy 657 although not for NA27). One might argue that, having made that alteration, de would no longer make sense and so dio is substituted by the scribe. But such a view would necessarily attribute the text of P. Oxy 657 to the conscious activity of the scribe; if the variants reflect deliberate alteration this would strengthen the argument that conscious assimilation towards the text of the LXX is more likely that otherwise inexplicable conscious departure from it, and thus strengthen Attridge's case.

 

          For the purposes of our argument it is sufficient to note that the presence of indications of scribal re-inking in P. Oxy 657 must be taken into account in the evaluation of the readings of this manuscript, that several cases exist where clear indications of such re-inking correlate with singular readings in such a way as to suggest that the re-inking process served as an opportunity for distraction, and that the peculiar character of this particular manuscript demands, in the well-worn but still fitting words of F.J.A. Hort, that 'knowledge of documents should precede final judgement upon readings'.[24] We are not by any means proposing that distraction caused by re-inking provides a revolutionary key to textual criticism by which every slip can be attributed to the individual scribe. Our brief discussion of example 1 shows that no easy answer appears available at the moment.

 

IV. Conclusion

          The specific examples of scribal re-inking of the reed-pen coincident with singular and non-original readings observed in P. Oxy 657, combine with the mechanics of the scribal setting and the comments of writers cited above to support the contention we began with, that the constant necessity to re-ink one's pen provided the opportunity for scribal distraction at the level of eye, memory, judgment and pen.

 

 

Just a note that after presenting a preliminary version of the findings of this paper to Keith Elliott’s Textual Criticism Seminar in Leeds, Lionel North  mentioned a recollection of a discussion between Tregelles and Tischendorf on the subject of pen-dipping. On 26.10.98 he kindly sent me a copy of the page in John Eadie, The English Bible: An External and Critical History of the Various English Translations of Scripture, with remarks on the need of revising the English New Testament (London: Macmillan & Co., 1876; 2 vols.); vol. 2, p. 364. This recollects that Tischendorf excluded John 21.25 on the grounds that in Sinaiticus it appeared to be written with fresher or darker ink. Eadie reports: ‘when he showed the page to Tregelles, the English scholar at once exclaimed, “O yes, I see; the scribe took a new dip of ink after writing verse 24th.”

 


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[1]For examples see L. Vaganay & C.-B. Amphoux, An Introduction to New Testament Textual Criticism (ET; Cambridge: CUP, 1991) 57-61; B.M. Metzger, The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption and Restoration (New York & Oxford: OUP, 1968 2nd edition)195-206; K. & B. Aland, The Text of the New Testament: An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and Practice of Modern Textual Criticism (ET; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987)284-286.

 

[2]These categories come from A.T. Robertson, An Introduction to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1925)150-155.

 

[3]For examples see Vaganay & Amphoux, Introduction, 53-57; Metzger, Text, 186-195; Aland, Text, 277-282.

 

[4]E.g. Vaganay & Amphoux, Introduction, 53 (on accidental omission due to distraction); Metzger, Text, 194 (on 'stupid or sleepy scribes'). Jerome, Preface to the Vulgate Gospels (AD 383).

 

[5]Aland, Text, 280. Cf. Quintillian's statement: 'fatigue will make us careless in writing' (Quintillian, Institutio Oratoria, X.iii.27 - although here re composition rather than copying).

 

[6]F.G. Kenyon, Books and Readers in Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford: Clarendon, 1951, 2nd edition)72 & 73 respectively.

 

[7]Cf. Pliny: 'reeds serve as pens for writing on paper (chartisque serviunt calami), especially Egyptian reeds owing to their kinship as it were with the papyrus; although the reeds of Cnidus and those that grow around the Anaetic lake in Asia are more esteemed' (Nat. Hist. XVI.lxiv.157; from Loeb, ed. H. Rackham); cf. also Martial, Ep., xiv.38: 'The land of Memphis gives reeds handy for writing. With reeds from other swamps let your roof be thatched' (ET from Loeb, 1993; ed. D.R. Shackleton Bailey). Physical examples are common enough, e.g. British Museum GR 1906.10-22.18 (photograph in A. Gaur, A History of Writing. Revised Edition (London: British Library, 1992)52); BM Egyptian Ant. 38145-6 and 43048 (refered to by W.E.H. Cockle, 'Restoring and Conserving Papyri' BICS 30(1983)147-165, see p150 note 52); also see L. Avrin, Scribes, Scripts and Books (London: British Library, 1991)146 for plate of reed pens in Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Tools and Materials

 

[8]A first century account which includes 'wax and stilus for the children' (khrou= kai\ grafei/ou paid(w=n), P. Oxy. 736.16) supports the idea that the easy erasure of wax tablets would make them preferable for certain conditions, such as children learning to write.

 

[9]For use by scribes in "biblical" literature see Ps 44.2LXX: the ka/lamov of a ready scribe; 3 Macc 4.20 speaks of tou\v grafikou\v kala/mouv 'the pens used for writing'; cf. P.Grenf. II.38.7: ka/lamoi grafikoi/); 3 John 13: Polla\ ei1xon gra/yai soi, a0ll 0 ou0 qe/lw dia\ me/lanov kai\ kala/mou soi gra/fein: Here the me/lav refers to black ink (cf. 2 Cor 3.3; 2 John 12) and ka/lamov to the reed-pen (elsewhere in the NT used of "reed" in general: Matt 11.7 // Luke 7.24; Matt 12.20; 27.29f // Mark 15.19; Matt 27. 48 // Mark 15.36; or of a reed "measuring staff": Rev 11.1; 21.15f; cf. Ezek 40.3 etc.).

 

[10]J.H. Greenlee, Introduction to New Testament Textual Criticism (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964)23; cf. also Vaganay & Amphoux, Introduction, 7; W.H.P. Hatch, The Principal Uncial Manuscripts of the New Testament (Chicago: Uni Chicago Press, 1939)13; J. Murphy-O'Connor, Paul the Letter-Writer: His World, His Options, His Skills (Collegeville, Minnesota: M. Glazier/Liturgical, 1995)2f. See further V. Gardthausen, Griechische Palaeographie (2nd ed.; Leipzig, 1911-1913) I. 182ff; W. Schubart, Das Buch bei den Griechen und Römern (2nd ed.; Berlin & Leipzig: W. de Gruyter, 1921)28-32.

 

[11]Parate/qeika th=I mhtri\ Filoume/nhi to\ broxi/on tou= me/lanov kai\ tou\v kala/mouv kai\ to\ smhli/on o3pwv lakh/sh| tou\v kala/mouv gegramme/nouv kai\ to\n tribako\n ...  (The Oxyrhynchus Papyri vol 2 (1899)306f; B. Olsson, Papyrusbriefe aus der frühesten Römerzeit (Uppsala: Almquist & Wiksells, 1925)95f who argued [with the support of Hunt] for lakhsh over against the editio princeps which read gakhsh

 

[12]Ink, pen and sponge all at 1 obol; see A.E.R. Boak, Papyri from Tebtunis. Part 1 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1933)98-100 for discussion. For other references to reed-pens in accounts from the papyri see P. Oxy. 742 [2 BC - 1,000 bundles for 15 drachmae]; P. Oxy. 521.21 (IIAD] and P. Fouad 74.9 [IVAD] (ka/lamon a0ntioxh/sion). Phanias, in a dedicatory epigram for a certain Ascondas, refers to the following implements: the penknife (donakoglu/fon, lit.: reed-cutter), the sponge for wiping pens, the ruler (kano/nisma) for marking margins, the paper-weight that marks the place (?), the well-blackened ink-horn [to\n eu0me/lanon broxi/da], the tongs (or 'compass', karki/nov) for drawing circles, the pumice-stone (ki/shriv) for smoothing ...' (Greek Anthology VI.295; ET from Loeb, ed. W.R. Paton); cf. other lists of writing equipment in similar epigrams in Greek Anthology VI. 62-65.

 

[13]Quintillian, Institutio Oratoria, X.iii.31 (quoted from H.E. Butler's Loeb Edition). Cf. Demosthenes whose habit was to chew on his calamus thoughtfully while planning his composition (Plutarch, Demosthenes 29).

 

[14]Persius Flaccus, Satire III.10-14, 19 (from Loeb; ed. G.G. Ramsay). We could compare Cicero's comment in a letter to his brother 'For this letter I shall use a good pen (calamo bono), well-mixed ink, and ivory-polished paper too. For you write that you could hardly read my last ...' (Ep. Quint. Fratrem II.xvb.1 (July 27 54BC). ET from Loeb ed. W. Glynn Williams.

 

[15]Plate 10 in E.G. Turner, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World. Second Edition Revised and Enlarged (ed. P.J. Parsons; BICS Supp 46; London: ICS, 1987)35.

 

[16]J. Ward-Perkins and A. Claridge, Pompeii AD 79. Treasures from the Archaeological Museum, Naples with contributions from the Pompeii Antiquarium and the Musem of Fine Arts, Boston (Boston, MA: Museum of Fine Arts, 1978) vol 2.203 (NB bronze pen and ink well photographed on same page).

 

[17]This connection is suggested by the imagery of Ps 45.1 and is attested in literature as diverse as Plato, Phaedrus, 61 [p. 276c]; Quintillian (cited above); P. Oxy. 326 (cited above); P. Mich. 123 Verso X.8; 3 John 13; Synesius, Epistolae 157 [c AD 400].

 

[18]A notable example is Codex Laudianus (E; VIth century) which exhibits a pattern of alternating darker and lighter letters. In this case the reinking appears to have taken place as often as every four or five letters; see plate 22 in B. M. Metzger, Manuscripts of the Greek Bible: An Introduction to Palaeography (New Yorl & Oxford: OUP, 1981, corrected edition 1991)96.

 

[19]Editio pinceps: B.P. Grenfell & A.S. Hunt (eds), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IV (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1904)36-48. For a survey of proposed dates see K. Aland (ed), Reportorium der Griechischen Christlichen Papyri (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1976)232. For another small portion of the same manuscript see V. Bartoletti & M. Norsa, PSI XII(1951)209-210.

 

[20]See Grenfell & Hunt, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IV,.pp. 46-48 for notes on these corrections.

 

[21]F.T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods. Volume One. Phonology (Milan: Istituto Editoriale Cisalpino - La Goliardica, 1975)191, many examples in both directions are cited on pp. 192-3.

 

[22]H.W. Attridge, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (Hermenia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1989)113.

 

[23]This has been demonstrated in the case of Old Testament citations in Hebrews by A.H. Cadwallader, 'The Correction of the Text of Hebrews towards the LXX' Novum Testamentum XXXIV(1992)257-292, see note 40 on pp. 264f for discussion of this passage.

 

[24]B.F. Westcott & F.J. A. Hort, The New Testament in the Original Greek: Introduction (London: Macmillan & Co., 1881, 1896 reprint)31. It is hoped that further study of P. Oxy 657 might contribute to our knowledge of its scribal characteristics, and thus play a part in evaluating its witness to the NT text, especially in the singular reading discussed, but not resolved, above.